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$Title{Our Country:  Volume 4
Chapter LXXVI}
$Subtitle{}
$Author{Lossing, Benson J., LL.D.}
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$Subject{americans
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$Volume{Vol. 4}
$Date{1905}
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Book:        Our Country:  Volume 4
Author:      Lossing, Benson J., LL.D.
Volume:      Vol. 4
Date:        1905

Chapter LXXVI

     The Army at Valley Forge - Proceedings in the British Parliament -
Beaumarchais and the Americans - A Serious Misunderstanding - Effects of
Burgoyne's Surrender in France - Treaty between France and the United States -
Franklin's Reception at Court, and His Popularity - Voltaire - Acts of the
British Government - Conciliatory Bills - Rupture Between France and England -
American Detachments Attacked - Committee at Valley Forge - Congress and the
Soldiers - Steuben - The Treaty received at Valley Forge - Conciliatory Bills
and the Americans - The Peace Commissioners.

     THE joy that thrilled the bosoms of the American patriots when the news
of Burgoyne's surrender went over the land, was succeeded by doubts and gloomy
forebodings at the opening of the fourth year of the war, 1778.  The effects
of that surrender upon the public mind in Europe were not then known in
America; and the military events which had succeeded it here were calculated
to produce a great depression of spirits.  The little army of Washington, then
building log-huts at Valley Forge, had just passed through a season of great
trial, and their own patriotism and that of their leader had been proven by
severest tests.  Their ranks were shattered and weak; a condition largely due
to the neglect of the Congress, remissness in duty of the late
quartermaster-general, faction in high places, and the intrigues of ambitious
men.  Almost three thousand soldiers of that little, suffering army were unfit
for duty, because they were bare-footed and half-naked. Multitudes were
compelled to doze around fires all night, because they did not possess a bed
or a blanket to lie upon; and many who were favored with these were made sick
by exposure to dampness, because they had no means of raising their beds from
the ground.  Not more than six thousand men were prepared to take the field
yet there were clamors in the Congress and the Pennsylvania legislature for a
winter campaign against the British in Philadelphia.  The commander-in-chief
was followed to Valley Forge by a remonstrance from the Council and Assembly
of Pennsylvania against his going into winter-quarters at all.  To this
unreasonable reproof Washington made a firm but modest reply, stating the
condition of his troops and the causes, and saying: "Gentlemen reprobate the
going into winter-quarters as if they thought the soldiers were stocks and
stones.  I can assure those gentlemen that it is a much easier and less
distressing thing to draw remonstrances in a comfortable room by a good
fireside, than to occupy a cold, bleak hill, and sleep under frost and snow
without clothes or blankets.  However, although they seem to have little
feeling for the naked and distressed soldiers, I feel superabundantly for them
and from my soul I pity their miseries, which it is neither in my power to
relieve or prevent."

     Let us here pause in our narrative of military and civil movements in
America, and briefly consider events bearing upon the great struggle then
occurring in Europe.

     The British Parliament assembled on the 18th of November.  They had not
heard of Howe's success on the borders of the Brandywine, nor of Burgoyne's
disasters at Saratoga.  They knew that Howe had been compelled to retire from
New Jersey, and gloomy forebodings occupied their minds.  They knew that
American commissioners were kindly received at the French court, and they
dreaded a possible alliance of that nation with the insurgent subjects of
Great Britain in America.  The stubborn king, in his opening speech from the
throne, declared his intention to prosecute the war against the rebels,"
without regard to the waste of blood and treasure.  He alluded to the
increased armaments of France and Spain, and, urging his people to make
provision of larger means for carrying on the war in America, he expressed a
hope that the deluded and unhappy multitude in the colonies might speedily
cease their resistance and return to their allegiance.

     A corresponding address to the king was proposed in Parliament, when the
heaviest batteries of the Opposition in both houses were brought to bear upon
the ministry.  In the House of Lords, the Earl of Chatham (William Pitt), who
strongly desired reconciliation with the Americans and was as strongly opposed
to their independence, leaning upon a crutch, poured forth a flood of oratory
such as distinguished him in the prime of his vigorous manhood.  He opposed
the further prosecution of the "inhuman war," and pleaded earnestly for
conciliatory measures.  He charged the ministry with lack of courage to
sustain the honor of the nation, because they had allowed to pass unnoticed,
what he called an insult to his government by the French court, in receiving,
on friendly terms, the ambassadors of the insurgent Americans.  Can our
ministers," he asked, sustain a more humiliating disgrace?  Do they dare to
resent it?  Do they presume even to hint at a vindication of their honor, and
the dignity of the State, by requiring the dismissal of the plenipotentiaries
of America?  Alluding to the ill-success of the British arms in this country,
he said: You cannot - I venture to say it - you cannot conquer America.  What
is your present condition there?  We do not know the worst, but we know that
in three campaigns we have done nothing and suffered much. . . .  You may
swell every expense and every effort, still more extravagantly pile and
accumulate every assistance you can buy or borrow traffic and barter with
every little pitiful German prince that sells and sends his subjects to the
shambles of a foreign prince your efforts are forever vain and impotent -
doubly so from this mercenary aid on which you rely; for it irritates to an
incurable resentment the minds of your enemies - to overrun them with the
mercenary sons of rapine and plunder; devoting them and their possessions to
the rapacity of hireling cruelty!  If I were an American, as I am an
Englishman, while a foreign troop was landed in my country, I never would lay
down my arms - never - never - never!" With equal vehemence Chatham condemned
the employment of the American savages to wage the horrors of this barbarous
war." A member justified the employment of Indians, by saying that the British
had the right to use the means "which God and nature had given them." Chatham
scornfully repeated the passage, and said: These abominable principles, and
this most abominable avowal of them, demands most decisive indignation.  I
call upon that reverend bench (pointing to the Bishops), these holy ministers
of the Gospel and pious pastors of the Church - I conjure them to join in the
holy work, and to vindicate the religion of their God."

     In the House of Commons, Burke, Fox, and Barry were equally severe in
their denunciations; and when, on the 3rd of December, news reached London of
the defeat of the British in northern New York, the latter rose in his place,
and with a serene and solemn countenance, asked Germain, the Colonial
Secretary, what news he had received by his last express from Quebec, and to
say, upon his word of honor, what had become of Burgoyne and his brave army.
The haughty Secretary was irritated by the cool irony of the question, but he
was compelled to admit that information of Burgoyne's surrender had reached
him.  He added - "It lacks confirmation." That confirmation speedily came, and
Lord North was overwhelmed with grief.  He could neither eat nor sleep.  He
saw in the event the result of the unwise measures of his sovereign, which he
had sanctioned in opposition to the dictates of his own conscience and
judgment; and he proposed to end the quarrel by conceding all that the
Americans asked, or retire from the cabinet.  It was perceived by all but the
stupid and obstinate king and a few shallow courtiers that something must be
done immediately toward reconciliation, or France would interfere.  Leaders in
both houses agreed with North.  Fox said: "If no better terms can be had, I
would treat with them as allies, nor do I fear the consequences of their
independence." The Icing would not yield an iota of his pretensions to
absolute sovereignty over the Americans.  In turn he chided and coaxed the
pliant North, when, finding his minister less yielding than usual, he conceded
so much to his feelings as to suggest that in the event of a war with France
and Spain (which then seemed probable) the royal troops might be withdrawn
from the American provinces and employed in making war upon the French and
Spanish islands.  North yielded, and preparations for the campaign of 1778
against the Americans, went on vigorously.

     Meanwhile events of great importance to the struggling patriots had taken
place in France.  We have already noticed (page 888) the efforts of
Beaumarchais in behalf of the Americans, and the joint mission of Franklin,
Deane and Lee, to the French court.  We have observed that early in 1777, the
commissioners proposed a treaty with France for mutual benefit in peace and
war, and so took the initial step in the foreign diplomacy of the United
States.  Already the French government, in response to the efforts of
Beaumarchais and Deane, had furnished essential material aid for the
Americans, from the public treasury and arsenals.  It was done secretly
through Beaumarchais, who, as the agent of the government, opened a large
commercial house in Paris, under the firm name of Rodriguez, Hortales & Co.;
and by the use of money received from both France and Spain for the purpose,
he sent three ship-loads of supplies to the Americans, in time to be used for
the summer campaign of 1777.  This mercantile disguise enabled Vergennes, the
French minister, to say, with truth, at the end of the fourth year of the war:
"The king has furnished nothing; he simply permitted M. Beaumarchais to be
provided with articles from the arsenals upon condition of replacing them."

     Out of these transactions grew much embarrassment.  At an early stage of
Mr. Deane's negotiations with the French, Arthur Lee of Virginia, an ambitious
young man then in London, and who fell in with Beaumarchais there, informed
the Congress through his brother, Richard Henry Lee, that Vergennes had sent
an agent to him with the assurance that, while the French government would not
then think of going to war with Great Britain, they were ready to furnish the
Americans with arms and ammunition to the value of almost a million dollars.
This statement was untrue, and was very mischievous, leading the Congress to
believe that the supplies afterward sent by Beaumarchais were gratuities of
the French monarch.  This belief prevailed until the close of 1778, when, on
inquiry being made of Vergennes, by Franklin, the above answer was given by
that minister.  Thomas Paine, minister for foreign affairs, at Philadelphia,
believed it, and said so in a newspaper quarrel with Silas Deane, when the
startled Congress, unwilling to compromise the French court, said by
resolution, in January, 1779, that they "had never received any species of
military stores as a present from the court of France or from any other court
or person in Europe," and dismissed Paine from his office.  Beaumarchais
afterward claimed payment from the Congress for every article he had
forwarded.  This claim caused a lawsuit which lasted about fifty years.  It
was settled in 1835 by the payment to the heirs of Beaumarchais by our
government, the sum of over two hundred thousand dollars.

     When the news of the surrender of Burgoyne reached France, Beaumarchais,
who had then sent supplies for the Americans to the amount of almost a million
dollars, found himself in financial embarrassment by lack of remittances of
funds from the Congress, which he had expected.  That body had been deceived
by the falsehoods and slanders of Lee, and had not only withheld remittances,
but had not acknowledged the receipt of supplies. Beaumarchais sent an agent
to America, that autumn, to seek justice, who wrote back that Lee's
untruthfulness was the cause of all the trouble. Just then tidings reached
Paris that the Americans had captured Burgoyne's whole army.  The news filled
the French capital with great joy.  It was perceived that the Americans could
help themselves.  France saw this, and also perceived that they might be her
very useful allies in the evidently impending war with Great Britain.  So the
French government resolved to give the patriots more substantial, material,
and moral aid than ever before, by acknowledging the independence of the
United States and forming a treaty of alliance with them.  Beaumarchais's
mission was ended.  On the 6th of February, 1778, a treaty of amity, commerce,
and alliance was concluded with the French government, by the American
commissioners.  This treaty was effected secretly; and before the fact was
known at the British court, Dr. Franklin, then seventy-two years of age, was
greeted as the American ambassador at the French court, and M. Gerard was
appointed to represent France at the seat of government of the United States.
So was begun that alliance which speedily led to a war on sea and land between
the French and English.

     Franklin and his colleagues were presented to the king and queen at
Versailles, on the 20th of March.  Willing to comply with the court etiquette
on such occasions, the republican ambassador sent for a wig, and contemplated
ordering a suit of blue velvet and lace.  No wig in Paris would fit his
capacious head so he resolved to appear in his baldness, with his thin gray
hair hanging down upon his shoulders.  So he did appear in defiance of the
chamberlain and fashion.  Clad in an elegant suit of black velvet made as
plain as one he would have worn at an evening party in Philadelphia, with
white cambric ruffles in his bosom and at his wrists, white silk stockings and
silver shoe-buckles, he won the admiration of all beholders in that brilliant
assembly.  The beautiful young queen bestowed her sweetest smiles upon him,
and kept him near her person as much as possible during the audience.  In one
of the saloons of Paris a few evenings afterward, be was the centre of
attraction.  His defiance of etiquette charmed the Parisians.  The ladies
pressed around the Philosopher, and more enthusiastic ones saluted him with
kisses on his forehead.  The king was irritated by these attentions, for he
despised republicans, and only consented to be their ally in war for the
benefit of France. Voltaire, who, at the age of eighty-four, had just arrived
in Paris after a long exile, was not more popular then than Franklin.  They
soon became personal friends, for Voltaire espoused the cause of the
Americans. Franklin venerated him for his wisdom, and Dade his grandson, a
tall youth, ask the philosopher's blessing.  The venerable man placed his hand
on the lad's head and gave it in these words: God and Liberty.

     The position now assumed by France toward the Americans greatly
embarrassed the British ministry, and even the king was disposed to yield a
little. Eleven days after the treaty was concluded at Paris, Lord North
presented two conciliatory bills to Parliament.  One declared the government
did not intend to exercise the right of imposing taxes in America, and
proposed to make almost every concession which the Americans had demanded two
years before - even not to insist upon the renunciation of their independence
the other authorized the king to send commissioners to America to treat for
reconciliation and peace.  Mr. Hartley, a confidant of Lord North, sent copies
of these bills to Dr. Franklin.  The ambassador, with the knowledge of
Vergennes, sent word back that if the king wished to treat with the Americans
on terms of perfect equality, the desired result might be obtained by sending
commissioners to the representatives of the United States in Paris.  The
French king fearing a reconciliation might take place, and so thwart his plans
for using the Americans for the glory of France, hastened to officially inform
the British government, through the French minister in London, of the treaty
between that country and the United States.  That minister, acting under
instructions, in his note to the British government, spoke of the United
States as being in full possession of independence," and declared that his
king was determined "to protect effectually the lawful commerce of his
subjects, and to maintain the dignity of his flag," and had, in consequence,
taken effectual measures in concert with the Thirteen United and Independent
States of America."

     These offensive words - offensive as they were intended to be - were
construed by the British government as a virtual declaration of war on the
part of France and the British minister at the French court was immediately
recalled.  Meanwhile the Conciliatory Bills had become laws, after much
opposition in Parliament, chiefly because they allowed the Americans to assume
the position of an independent nation.  It would virtually be a dismemberment
of the British empire, and this Chatham and his friends vehemently opposed.
Afterward, when leaders of the opposition proposed, as a means of detaching
the Americans from the French, to declare their independence, a most violent
debate arose.  That was early in April. Chatham had not appeared in the House
of Lords for some time.  Now his political friends urged him to be there.  He
appeared on the 7th of April, smothered in flannel and leaning upon two
friends.  He was pale and emaciated, and appeared like a dying man.  Under his
great wig, little more might be seen than his aquiline nose and peering eyes.
He arose to speak. Leaning upon crutches, and supported by two friends, he
raised one hand, and casting his eyes toward heaven, said: "I thank God that I
have been enabled to come here this day - to perform my duty, and to speak
upon a subject which has so deeply impressed my mind.  I am old and infirm.  I
have one foot, more than one foot, in the grave; I am risen from my bed to
stand up in the cause of my country - perhaps never again to speak in this
House. . . .  My Lords, I rejoice that the grave has not closed upon me that I
am still alive to lift up my voice against the dismemberment of this ancient
and most noble monarchy."  His voice, at first feeble, rose in vehemence as he
proceeded, and he made a most effective speech.  The Duke of Richmond spoke in
opposition to Chatham's arguments, and when he sat down, the great orator,
much agitated, attempted to rise to reply, when he swooned and fell in the
arms of his friends near by.  Every one pressed around him with solicitude,
and the debate closed without another word.  He was conveyed to his
country-seat at Hayes, where he expired on the 11th of May.  The scene of his
fall in the House of Lords was admirably painted by Copley the American
artist, who was then a resident of London.

     The little army at Valley Forge had not only suffered great privations in
camp, but were subjected to attacks upon their feeble outposts, and
detachments sent out for food and forage, by parties sent from Philadelphia.
Among the most active of these was a corps of American Loyalists, called
the"Queen's Rangers," led by Major Simcoe, and numbering about five hundred
men.  In February, these went into New Jersey to capture Wayne, who was there
gathering up horses and provisions, but failed. Another party, more than a
thousand strong, led by Colonel Mawhood, went to Salem in March, and on the
18th, had a severe skirmish at Quintin's bridge, near that town, with a small
force of Americans under Colonel Holmes.  The latter were dispersed, but were
saved from capture or destruction, by Colonel Hand, who arrived with some
troops and two pieces of cannon, and checked the pursuers.  Mawhood then sent
Simcoe to attack another detachment at Hancock's bridge, not far from
Quintin's, on the night of the 20th.  But few Americans were there, and most
of them were non-combatants, who made no resistance.  They were all murdered
while begging for quarter. This cruel act was done by unprincipled Tories,
who, in arms, were called The blood-hounds of the Revolution."

     At that time a committee of the Congress were at Valley Forge, where they
had been for several weeks, conferring with the commander-in-chief on the
subject of future military operations, and especially upon reforms of present
abuses in the army, the increase in its efficiency, and the revival of the
hopes of the country.  Washington presented to the committee a very long
memorial, in which he had embodied the views of himself and his officers.  He
specially urged as a necessity, as well as equity, of insuring to the officers
of the army, half-pay for life.  This memorial formed the basis of the report
of the committee to the Congress. Washington also wrote many letters to
members of that body, urging the measure of half-pay with great earnestness
and good arguments, pleading for this act of justice toward his companions in
arms, and disclaiming all selfish motives, for he had often declared that he
would not receive pay for his own services.  The Congress finally agreed to
secure to each officer half-pay for the term of seven years next ensuing after
the close of the contest, and a gratuity of eighty dollars to every
non-commissioned officer and private who should continue in the service until
the close of the war. These equitable provisions doubtless saved the
Continental Army from dissolution in the spring of 1778.

     Meanwhile the service had been strengthened by the appointment of General
Greene quartermaster-general, in place of General Mifflin, and the Baron de
Steuben as inspector-general of the Continental Army, in place of General
Conway.  Steuben was a skillful Prussian officer, who had served on the staff
of Frederick the Great.  He arrived in America at the beginning of December,
1777, and presenting himself to the Congress at York, offered his services.
His certificates of character were so ample, that they were accepted; and at
the urgent solicitation of Washington he was appointed inspector-general of
the armies, with the rank and pay of major-general. Joining the army at Valley
Forge, he so thoroughly disciplined the crude soldiery there, in military
manoeuvres, that before the opening of the campaign in June, they had acquired
much of the skill of European veterans. Our regular soldiers were never beaten
in a fair fight, after their drilling at Valley Forge.

     As the spring advanced and warm weather prevailed, the comforts of the
soldiers were increased and their daily wants were more bountifully supplied.
Their shattered regiments were filled, and a more hopeful feeling prevailed
throughout the country, when, on the night of the 3rd of May, a despatch
reached Washington, from the President of Congress, announcing the alliance
between France and the United States.  Washington communicated the important
news in general orders on the 6th, and great joy was thereby produced.  He set
apart the following day to be devoted to a grateful acknowledgement of the
Divine goodness in raising up a powerful friend in one of the princes of the
earth, to establish liberty and independence upon a solid foundation," and to
celebrate the great event by tokens of delight. He directed the several
brigades of the army to be assembled at nine o'clock in the morning to hear
prayers and appropriate discourses from their respective chaplains.  At a
given signal the men were to be under arms for inspection and parade, when
they were to be led to a specified position to fire a feu de joie with cannon
and small guns.  At a given signal, there was to be a discharge of thirteen
cannon and a running fire of small-arms, when the whole army were to huzzah -
"Long live the king of France!" Then another discharge of thirteen cannon and
all the muskets was to be given, followed by a shout of the army - "Long live
the friendly European powers!" Then a third discharge of cannon and musketry
in like manner, and a shout - "The American States."

     These orders were faithfully obeyed.  Washington, with his wife and suite
and other general officers with their wives, attended the religious services
of the New Jersey brigade.  The army made a brilliant appearance in their new
suits of clothing and polished arms.  After the soldiers had retired, the
commander-in-chief dined in public with all his officers, attended by a band
of music and the entertainment ended with a number of patriotic toasts, and
loud huzzahs for Washington, when he left the table.

     The Conciliatory Bills had arrived in America a fortnight before the news
of the treaty was received by the Congress, and attracted much attention in
and out of that body.  Governor Tryon, at New York, caused them to be printed
and widely circulated, to produce disaffection among the Americans. As they
did not propose independence as a basis for negotiations, they were regarded
by the patriots with suspicion, and were denominated "deceptionary bills."
Washington and the Congress rejected them as inadequate, in scope, to form a
foundation for discussion.  Nothing short of independence, it appears to me,
will do," Washington wrote.  "A peace on other terms would, if I may be
allowed the expression, be a peace of war."  The Congress resolved that the
terms were totally inadequate, and that no advances on the part of the British
government would be met, unless, as a preliminary step, they should either
withdraw their fleets and armies, or acknowledge, unequivocally, the
independence of the United States.

     Such was the temper of the Americans, when, on the 4th of June, three
commissioners - the Earl of Carlisle, George Johnstone, and William Eden -
sent to negotiate for pace, arrived at Philadelphia.  They were accompanied by
Adam Ferguson, the eminent professor in the University of Edinburgh.
Directions were sent for General Howe to join them, but as he had left the
country, and the army was commanded by Sir Henry Clinton, the latter took his
place.  The commissioners sent their credentials to the Congress by a flag.
For reasons above given, the Congress refused to treat with them, and the
papers were returned to them, with a letter from the President giving reasons
for the act.  The commissioners tried by various arts to accomplish their
purposes, but were foiled and in October they returned to England, after
issuing an angry manifesto and proclamation to the Congress, the State
legislatures, and the whole inhabitants, in which they denounced the "rebels"
and warned the people to beware of the righteous wrath of Great Britain.

     Johnstone early lost all claims to respectful consideration, by
attempting to gain by intrigue, what he could not obtain by fair means.  He
became acquainted with the accomplished Mrs. Ferguson, wife of a relative of
the secretary of the commissioners, and daughter of Dr. Thomas Graeme of
Pennsylvania.  Her husband was in the British service, and she was much with
the loyalists, but her conduct was so discreet, and her attachment to her
country was so undoubtedly sincere, that she maintained the confidence and
respect of leading patriots.  Johnstone made her believe he was a warm friend
of the Americans, and was exceedingly anxious to stop the effusion of blood.
He expressed his belief that if a proper representation could be made to the
members of Congress and other leading Whigs, peace might speedily be secured.
Mrs. Ferguson sympathized with him.  As he could not pass the lines himself he
entreated her to go to General Joseph Reed, and say to him that if he could,
conscientiously, exert his influence to bring about a reconciliation, he might
command ten thousand guineas and the highest post in the government.  "That,"
said Mrs. Ferguson, "General Reed would consider the offer of a bribe."
Johnstone disclaimed any such intention.  Believing him sincere, Mrs. Ferguson
sought and obtained an interview with Reed, as soon as the British left
Philadelphia.  When she had repeated the conversation with Johnstone, Reed
indignantly replied - "I am not worth purchasing, but such as I am, the king
of Great Britain is not rich enough to do it!" This attempt at bribery was
soon made known, and drew upon the commissioners the scorn of all honest men.
Mrs. Ferguson, whose motives seem to have been pure, was violently assailed.
Trumbull, in his satire entitled McFingal," thus alludes to the transaction:

     "Behold, at Britain's utmost shifts, Comes Johnstone, loaded with like
gifts, To venture through the Whiggish tribe, To cuddle, wheedle, coax and
bribe; And call, to aid his desperate mission, His petticoated politician;
While Venus, joined to act the farce, Strolls forth, embassadress of Mars. In
vain he strives; for, while he lingers, Their mastiffs bite his offering
fingers Nor buys for George and realms infernal, One spaniel but the mongrel,
Arnold"